Political scientists appreciated the keynote interview of the Secretary of the Security Council
Secretary of the Security Council Nikolai Patrushev gave a keynote interview about how we will live in the future and what needs to be done. Political scientists, whom we asked to evaluate Patrushev's statements, believe that if not the “general line of the Kremlin”, then exactly the vector along which Russia will move, namely the revival of the best Soviet practices.
Nikolai Patrushev, Security Council meeting, 2019. Photo: kremlin.ru
A significant part of Nikolai Patrushev's interview is devoted to the global crisis in general and Europe in particular. The Secretary of the Security Council believes that Europe is waiting for a “deep for their countries” economic recession. Added to this are migration problems. To Ukrainian migrants (and their number will reach 10 million), who believe that “Europeans must support and provide for them, and when they are forced to work, they begin to rebel,” refugees from Africa will be added, who will flee the famine caused by food crisis. Naturally, crime will rise, diseases already forgotten in Europe will reappear. “I'm not sure that Europe will survive the crisis. Political institutions, supranational associations, economy, culture, and traditions may become a thing of the past. Europe will still bite its elbows, and America will be freed from its main geopolitical fear – the political and economic union of Russia and Europe, ”stats Patrushev. And he emphasizes that the main beneficiary of all this, as well as the prolongation of the crisis in Ukraine, is the United States.
However, the most interesting, of course, is the “Russian” part of Patrushev's statements. And they are certainly worth listening to, as they will be implemented.
“The Security Council has recently seriously increased its influence, especially after Dmitry Medvedev, the former president and former prime minister, was delegated there as deputy chairman. The Security Council is the center of expertise, moreover, on security issues, understood in the broad sense of the word,” explains one of the leading Russian political scientists Yevgeny Minchenko.
Patrushev, according to Minchenko, is “arguing in absentia” with the economic bloc of the government, saying that the decision to place gold and foreign exchange reserves abroad turned out to be “unjustified from the point of view of the financial security of the state.” And he says that “for the sovereignization of any national financial system, its means of payment must have intrinsic value and price stability, not being tied to the dollar.” For example, “it is proposed to determine the value of the ruble, which should be backed by both gold and a group of goods that are currency values, to put the ruble exchange rate in line with real purchasing power parity.” And these ideas, in his opinion, “do not run counter to the conclusions of economic science, but run counter to the conclusions of Western economics textbooks.” Moreover, “our entrepreneurs' fascination with market mechanisms alone, without taking into account the specifics of our country, is a risk factor.” In principle, there is an obvious hint at the need to introduce elements of a planned economy.
There is another fat allusion in Patrushev's interview to the “fifth column”, as well as to ideology. The Secretary of the Security Council believes that “if all the instructions of the head of state in the field of import substitution were fulfilled in time, we would be able to avoid many of the problems that the Russian economy is facing today.” And as an example, he cites the history of the creation of a plant in St. Petersburg for the production of high-quality insulin. So, the creation of this plant “was opposed by a number of structures.” And in order to avoid such situations, the country needs to “substantially tighten the discipline” of the execution of the president's instructions, “including among the relevant departments.”
“We already see that some part of the people themselves are leaving power, someone is being removed,” says Yevgeny Minchenko. – Not only, by the way, from the authorities, but also from corporations and companies associated with the state. I think there will be a fairly serious personnel restructuring. And look, a vertical of deputies for “ideology and educational work” in state structures and enterprises is already being built.
Minchenko believes that Patrushev, who makes such statements not for the first time, has “a clear ideology – the maximum use of the positive that was in the Soviet legacy.”
So, one of the most important components for the development of the country, Patrushev considers a change in the education system that has been destroyed to please the West: “To destroy our education by imposing on us the so-called progressive models of education is for the Westerners just as strategic a task as, for example, bringing NATO closer to our borders. “. It is necessary, in his opinion, that it should be like this: “Every resident of our country, every Russian from childhood should know and understand what we all live and work for as a single people, what we strive for.” And the situation “proves the need to uphold traditional Russian spiritual and moral values,” which means that it is necessary to reform the system of education and enlightenment with the return of the historically justified advantages of the national school. Patrushev is convinced that “the Soviet school of education has historically been the most advanced and progressive in the world, and moving forward should be carried out with this in mind.”
— I would not call Patrushev's statements a “general line” because “the general line” is much more complicated and takes into account a greater number of factors,” says Aleksey Makarkin, deputy director of the Center for Political Technologies. – This is an application for the “general line”. And political and ideological. Much of what is in Patrushev's text can be implemented. This is a vector. But if we talk about the nature of specific measures, then they can be of varying degrees of severity. The Security Council defines the conceptual approach. But it is not known how broad the scope of the implementation of the activities of this approach will be. What is called, let's see. For example, in a month we will come to the bookstore and see what books are sold.